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Peking in the 1920s : = Political Order and Popular Protest.

Record Type:	Language materials, manuscript : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	Peking in the 1920s :/
Reminder of title:	Political Order and Popular Protest.
Author:	Strand, David Gregory.
Description:	1 online resource (550 pages)
Notes:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 40-07, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International40-07A.
Subject:	Political science. -
Online resource:	click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:	9798204151437

Peking in the 1920s : = Political Order and Popular Protest.
Strand, David Gregory.

Peking in the 1920s :Political Order and Popular Protest. - 1 online resource (550 pages)

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 40-07, Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Columbia University, 1979.

Includes bibliographical references

In the last decade of the Ch'ing dynasty and the first years of the Republic, modernization had taken hold in and around the city of Peking both as a government policy and as a secular trend. By the early 1920s, modernization had gained considerable momentum. Merchant guilds came under the discipline of the Peking Chamber of Commerce. Craft guilds began to display the characteristics of labor unions. And, in a flurry of association-building, a host of new groups and constituencies sought to enter the urban political arena. New political tactics and rituals brought conflict into the open. Numbers began to contend with status. Strikes, boycotts, press conferences, advertisements in newspapers attacking political opponents and demonstrations displaced activation of personal connections and anomic outbursts as the dominant modes of political expression. Trams, buses, automobiles, telephones and macadamized roads projected a vision of technological and economic, as well as social and political transformation. Throughout the decade, a widening circle of social forces appropriated the new, public style of politics. Shopkeepers, workers and peasants saw that tactics like circular telegrams, ad hoc associations and demonstrations made centers of power vulnerable. They entered the fray both to gain advantage and to secure protection. Government instability, a volatile monetary system and the partial modernization of the city's infrastructure was changing the way the city worked and the way wealth and power were distributed. Both groups benefiting from the changes, and those threatened by these policies and trends, were drawn into the public forum and political arena. In the 1920s old and new interests and ideologies merged to form a politically meaningful public arena, a crucial moment in the secular trend in twentieth century China towards increased participation in politics. Both traditional and modern institutions gave support to Peking's new framework of political discourse. Marketplaces, tea shops, restaurants, theatres, brothels and the street itself provided forums for the airing of opinions on all manner of subjects. By the teens and twenties newspapers, telephones, public parks and paved roads helped to intensify and unify communication among the populace. Lists of demands by students, merchants, workers and government employees proliferated as did the number of occasions and number of places when and where an audience for those views was available. In 1920s Peking there were conflicting views about where and when and how politics should take place. Legally recognized associations like the Chamber of Commerce could carry on discussion, argument and conflict without police harassment in Chamber meeting halls and other public places. Students, intellectuals and some workers demanded unrestricted freedom of speech and assembly throughout the city. Guild merchants and craftsmen defended their customary practices of discussion and debate. City residents added a new calendar of national days and rallies to the old calendar of seasonal festivals. Political holidays gave workers the opportunity to both express their political views and to reduce the number of days they had to work in a year. The emerging collective identity of the unorganized, like rickshaw pullers, turned personal troubles--meddlesome policemen, bullying soldiers, and competition from the tramway--into public issues at a moment's notice. Citywide institutions lent structure to widening public debate over national and local issues. But citywide and nationwide social movements also performed this function. As a result Peking residents were faced with an unprecedented range of choices as to when and where and how to take political action.

Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2024

Mode of access: World Wide Web

ISBN: 9798204151437Subjects--Topical Terms:

558774
Political science.
Index Terms--Genre/Form:

554714
Electronic books.

Peking in the 1920s : = Political Order and Popular Protest.
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520 $a In the last decade of the Ch'ing dynasty and the first years of the Republic, modernization had taken hold in and around the city of Peking both as a government policy and as a secular trend. By the early 1920s, modernization had gained considerable momentum. Merchant guilds came under the discipline of the Peking Chamber of Commerce. Craft guilds began to display the characteristics of labor unions. And, in a flurry of association-building, a host of new groups and constituencies sought to enter the urban political arena. New political tactics and rituals brought conflict into the open. Numbers began to contend with status. Strikes, boycotts, press conferences, advertisements in newspapers attacking political opponents and demonstrations displaced activation of personal connections and anomic outbursts as the dominant modes of political expression. Trams, buses, automobiles, telephones and macadamized roads projected a vision of technological and economic, as well as social and political transformation. Throughout the decade, a widening circle of social forces appropriated the new, public style of politics. Shopkeepers, workers and peasants saw that tactics like circular telegrams, ad hoc associations and demonstrations made centers of power vulnerable. They entered the fray both to gain advantage and to secure protection. Government instability, a volatile monetary system and the partial modernization of the city's infrastructure was changing the way the city worked and the way wealth and power were distributed. Both groups benefiting from the changes, and those threatened by these policies and trends, were drawn into the public forum and political arena. In the 1920s old and new interests and ideologies merged to form a politically meaningful public arena, a crucial moment in the secular trend in twentieth century China towards increased participation in politics. Both traditional and modern institutions gave support to Peking's new framework of political discourse. Marketplaces, tea shops, restaurants, theatres, brothels and the street itself provided forums for the airing of opinions on all manner of subjects. By the teens and twenties newspapers, telephones, public parks and paved roads helped to intensify and unify communication among the populace. Lists of demands by students, merchants, workers and government employees proliferated as did the number of occasions and number of places when and where an audience for those views was available. In 1920s Peking there were conflicting views about where and when and how politics should take place. Legally recognized associations like the Chamber of Commerce could carry on discussion, argument and conflict without police harassment in Chamber meeting halls and other public places. Students, intellectuals and some workers demanded unrestricted freedom of speech and assembly throughout the city. Guild merchants and craftsmen defended their customary practices of discussion and debate. City residents added a new calendar of national days and rallies to the old calendar of seasonal festivals. Political holidays gave workers the opportunity to both express their political views and to reduce the number of days they had to work in a year. The emerging collective identity of the unorganized, like rickshaw pullers, turned personal troubles--meddlesome policemen, bullying soldiers, and competition from the tramway--into public issues at a moment's notice. Citywide institutions lent structure to widening public debate over national and local issues. But citywide and nationwide social movements also performed this function. As a result Peking residents were faced with an unprecedented range of choices as to when and where and how to take political action.
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538 $a Mode of access: World Wide Web
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710 2 $a Columbia University. $3 1181024
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