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Tone, Metrical Structure and Intonation in Suzhou Chinese : = Data, Theory, Typological Implications.

Record Type:	Language materials, manuscript : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	Tone, Metrical Structure and Intonation in Suzhou Chinese :/
Reminder of title:	Data, Theory, Typological Implications.
Author:	Zhu, Yuhong.
Description:	1 online resource (272 pages)
Notes:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-04, Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International85-04A.
Subject:	Linguistics. -
Online resource:	click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:	9798380595728

Tone, Metrical Structure and Intonation in Suzhou Chinese : = Data, Theory, Typological Implications.
Zhu, Yuhong.

Tone, Metrical Structure and Intonation in Suzhou Chinese :Data, Theory, Typological Implications. - 1 online resource (272 pages)

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-04, Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Ohio State University, 2023.

Includes bibliographical references

This dissertation offers a phonetic account and a phonological analysis of the tonology of Suzhou Chinese (Northern Wu), drawing on data from my own fieldwork. I focus on three types of tonal phenomena: tone sandhi of disyllabic words, the f0 realization and phonological interpretation(s) of toneless moras in word-medial position, and the interaction between lexical tones (or lack thereof) and intonational tones.The disyllabic tone sandhi patterns provide evidence that Suzhou Chinese makes use of two types of phonological prominence, despite the lack of phonetic correlates of prominence. First, word-initial morphemes, preserve their underlying tones in disyllabic sandhi, demonstrating prominence by position. In addition, the input-output tonal mapping of Suzhou is determined by a quantity-sensitive footing process, where metrical heads cannot be lighter than dependents. This is most clearly seen in light-heavy disyllables, where a left-aligned bimoraic trochee non-exhaustively parses the first two moras, leaving the third unparsed and unable to bear tones (i.e. toneless).The final/third toneless mora in a light-heavy disyllable consistently realizes with a low pitch in disyllabic words due to a phrase-final boundary L% tone. In word-medial position, however, the toneless mora contains considerable variation in their f0 realization. Through a quantitative study of word-medial toneless moras, I show that speakers of Suzhou Chinese make use of several interpretations, including: insertion of a 'default' L tone, interpolation between surrounding tonal targets, and realizing a level pitch by tone spreading. Different speakers were shown to prefer certain strategies, while the preference also varied across different tonal contexts. The systematic variation is indicative of a variable model of phonological processes, where the same underlying representation may map to distinct output forms.Across larger prosodic constituents, Suzhou Chinese demonstrates several robust intonational effects. Phrases under semantic focus are shown to have longer duration, higher overall f0 and higher intensity, while the pitch shape of focused phrases remains unchanged. Comparing the effect of boundary L% (in different types of statements) vs. H% (in yes-no questions, disjunctive questions), I show that boundary tones modify the overall pitch range of the entire phrase paradigmatically, without directly neutralizing/replacing any lexical tones. In addition, toneless moras are influenced by boundary tones to a greater extent, everything else being equal.In summary, this dissertation combines data-driven quantitative analyses with formal phonological accounts, and contributes to the studies of prosodic typology, tone and metrical stress, the relationship between symbolic representation and continuous phonetic data, and intonational phonology.

Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2024

Mode of access: World Wide Web

ISBN: 9798380595728Subjects--Topical Terms:

557829
Linguistics.
Subjects--Index Terms:

ToneIndex Terms--Genre/Form:

554714
Electronic books.

Tone, Metrical Structure and Intonation in Suzhou Chinese : = Data, Theory, Typological Implications.
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502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Ohio State University, 2023.
504 $a Includes bibliographical references
520 $a This dissertation offers a phonetic account and a phonological analysis of the tonology of Suzhou Chinese (Northern Wu), drawing on data from my own fieldwork. I focus on three types of tonal phenomena: tone sandhi of disyllabic words, the f0 realization and phonological interpretation(s) of toneless moras in word-medial position, and the interaction between lexical tones (or lack thereof) and intonational tones.The disyllabic tone sandhi patterns provide evidence that Suzhou Chinese makes use of two types of phonological prominence, despite the lack of phonetic correlates of prominence. First, word-initial morphemes, preserve their underlying tones in disyllabic sandhi, demonstrating prominence by position. In addition, the input-output tonal mapping of Suzhou is determined by a quantity-sensitive footing process, where metrical heads cannot be lighter than dependents. This is most clearly seen in light-heavy disyllables, where a left-aligned bimoraic trochee non-exhaustively parses the first two moras, leaving the third unparsed and unable to bear tones (i.e. toneless).The final/third toneless mora in a light-heavy disyllable consistently realizes with a low pitch in disyllabic words due to a phrase-final boundary L% tone. In word-medial position, however, the toneless mora contains considerable variation in their f0 realization. Through a quantitative study of word-medial toneless moras, I show that speakers of Suzhou Chinese make use of several interpretations, including: insertion of a 'default' L tone, interpolation between surrounding tonal targets, and realizing a level pitch by tone spreading. Different speakers were shown to prefer certain strategies, while the preference also varied across different tonal contexts. The systematic variation is indicative of a variable model of phonological processes, where the same underlying representation may map to distinct output forms.Across larger prosodic constituents, Suzhou Chinese demonstrates several robust intonational effects. Phrases under semantic focus are shown to have longer duration, higher overall f0 and higher intensity, while the pitch shape of focused phrases remains unchanged. Comparing the effect of boundary L% (in different types of statements) vs. H% (in yes-no questions, disjunctive questions), I show that boundary tones modify the overall pitch range of the entire phrase paradigmatically, without directly neutralizing/replacing any lexical tones. In addition, toneless moras are influenced by boundary tones to a greater extent, everything else being equal.In summary, this dissertation combines data-driven quantitative analyses with formal phonological accounts, and contributes to the studies of prosodic typology, tone and metrical stress, the relationship between symbolic representation and continuous phonetic data, and intonational phonology.
533 $a Electronic reproduction. $b Ann Arbor, Mich. : $c ProQuest, $d 2024
538 $a Mode of access: World Wide Web
650 4 $a Linguistics. $3 557829
650 4 $a Language. $3 571568
653 $a Tone
653 $a Prosodic phonology
653 $a Suzhou Chinese
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