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Racial Misinformation : = How Americans Misperceive Racial Inequality.

Record Type:	Language materials, manuscript : Monograph/item
Title/Author:	Racial Misinformation :/
Reminder of title:	How Americans Misperceive Racial Inequality.
Author:	Johnson, Jamal Roy.
Description:	1 online resource (106 pages)
Notes:	Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-06, Section: B.
Contained By:	Dissertations Abstracts International85-06B.
Subject:	African Americans. -
Online resource:	click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:	9798381027396

Racial Misinformation : = How Americans Misperceive Racial Inequality.
Johnson, Jamal Roy.

Racial Misinformation :How Americans Misperceive Racial Inequality. - 1 online resource (106 pages)

Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-06, Section: B.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Stanford University, 2023.

Includes bibliographical references

Racial inequality has been a fact of American life for as long as the country has existed, but as stubborn as it is, many Americans remain unaware of its pervasiveness. Because perceptions of racial inequality color our understanding of America itself, they are likely to be important for a wide range of outcomes, including employment, housing, healthcare, family and interpersonal relationships, and the focus of this project, policy preferences.Perceptions of racial inequality are the jumping-off point for this dissertation, and from there it branches in two directions: first, towards policy preferences; and second, towards material conditions. The literature on the politics of racial inequality in the United States has tended to focus on the relationship between the material reality of inequality and policy preferences, but has neglected to ask how levels of inequality are filtered through Americans' perceptual lenses. My approach enables me to provide insight on this key conceptual link.Why do Americans underestimate inequality?I find strong evidence that-across a host of issues-survey respondents underestimate racial inequality due to limited awareness of the conditions of white and black life in America. There is substantial heterogeneity. For instance, black and white Americans provide substantial underestimates of inequality in college graduation rates, incarceration rates, wealth, and COVID-19 hospitalizations. But black Americans provide basically accurate estimates of income inequality. When provided information on black wealth, black Americans produce basically accurate estimates of inequality, and when provided information on black graduation rates, both black and white Americans produce basically accurate estimates of inequality. For other statistics, such as inequality in COVID-19 hospitalizations and incarceration rates, respondents' estimates of inequality increase substantially after they receive information.Americans' misperceptions of inequality appear to be sincere. I find no evidence of expressive reporting in response to questions about the degree of racial inequality, although this could also be due to the political salience of these issues.How do perceptions of inequality affect policy preferences?If Americans' tendency to underestimate racial inequality is the result of poor information, it seems plausible that providing better information would cause them to be more supportive of racially liberal policies. Consistent with prior research, I find the opposite to be the case: in response to an informational intervention that increases their perception of the degree of racial economic inequality, respondents express substantially more conservative preferences over racial policy.Among white Americans, this "racial boomerang effect" is driven by a subgroup of respondents who believe that racial inequality is the result of structural forces such as discrimination, but who are resistant to employing structural solutions to address racial inequality. In response to an informational intervention that increases their perception of the degree of racial inequality, these "conflicted structuralists"-who experience cognitive distress because their attributions of racial inequality and preferred responses to racial inequality are at odds, and who ultimately resolve this cognitive distress in favor of less egalitarian policies-exhibit a shift towards conservative preferences over racial policy that is larger than the difference in level of support for conservative racial policies between white and black respondents.

Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2024

Mode of access: World Wide Web

ISBN: 9798381027396Subjects--Topical Terms:

656472
African Americans.
Index Terms--Genre/Form:

554714
Electronic books.

Racial Misinformation : = How Americans Misperceive Racial Inequality.
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500 $a Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-06, Section: B.
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502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.)--Stanford University, 2023.
504 $a Includes bibliographical references
520 $a Racial inequality has been a fact of American life for as long as the country has existed, but as stubborn as it is, many Americans remain unaware of its pervasiveness. Because perceptions of racial inequality color our understanding of America itself, they are likely to be important for a wide range of outcomes, including employment, housing, healthcare, family and interpersonal relationships, and the focus of this project, policy preferences.Perceptions of racial inequality are the jumping-off point for this dissertation, and from there it branches in two directions: first, towards policy preferences; and second, towards material conditions. The literature on the politics of racial inequality in the United States has tended to focus on the relationship between the material reality of inequality and policy preferences, but has neglected to ask how levels of inequality are filtered through Americans' perceptual lenses. My approach enables me to provide insight on this key conceptual link.Why do Americans underestimate inequality?I find strong evidence that-across a host of issues-survey respondents underestimate racial inequality due to limited awareness of the conditions of white and black life in America. There is substantial heterogeneity. For instance, black and white Americans provide substantial underestimates of inequality in college graduation rates, incarceration rates, wealth, and COVID-19 hospitalizations. But black Americans provide basically accurate estimates of income inequality. When provided information on black wealth, black Americans produce basically accurate estimates of inequality, and when provided information on black graduation rates, both black and white Americans produce basically accurate estimates of inequality. For other statistics, such as inequality in COVID-19 hospitalizations and incarceration rates, respondents' estimates of inequality increase substantially after they receive information.Americans' misperceptions of inequality appear to be sincere. I find no evidence of expressive reporting in response to questions about the degree of racial inequality, although this could also be due to the political salience of these issues.How do perceptions of inequality affect policy preferences?If Americans' tendency to underestimate racial inequality is the result of poor information, it seems plausible that providing better information would cause them to be more supportive of racially liberal policies. Consistent with prior research, I find the opposite to be the case: in response to an informational intervention that increases their perception of the degree of racial economic inequality, respondents express substantially more conservative preferences over racial policy.Among white Americans, this "racial boomerang effect" is driven by a subgroup of respondents who believe that racial inequality is the result of structural forces such as discrimination, but who are resistant to employing structural solutions to address racial inequality. In response to an informational intervention that increases their perception of the degree of racial inequality, these "conflicted structuralists"-who experience cognitive distress because their attributions of racial inequality and preferred responses to racial inequality are at odds, and who ultimately resolve this cognitive distress in favor of less egalitarian policies-exhibit a shift towards conservative preferences over racial policy that is larger than the difference in level of support for conservative racial policies between white and black respondents.
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