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The Making of the Indonesian National Front Yard.
紀錄類型:
書目-語言資料,手稿 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
The Making of the Indonesian National Front Yard./
作者:
Hargyono, Sindhunata.
面頁冊數:
1 online resource (282 pages)
附註:
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-06, Section: A.
Contained By:
Dissertations Abstracts International85-06A.
標題:
Cultural anthropology. -
電子資源:
click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:
9798381174755
The Making of the Indonesian National Front Yard.
Hargyono, Sindhunata.
The Making of the Indonesian National Front Yard.
- 1 online resource (282 pages)
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-06, Section: A.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Northwestern University, 2023.
Includes bibliographical references
This ethnography is the outcome of 13 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Indonesia between 2013-2020. It investigates contemporary border infrastructure development in Indonesia as the political intersection between infrastructure and aesthetics to understand how state power works and gets reworked by the border population. The unprecedented development scheme was rolled out by Indonesian President Joko Widodo upon his first-term election in 2014 as his way to fulfill his campaign promise of developing Indonesia from the margin. I argue that border infrastructure development is primarily about organizing statist visibility. This concern for visibility overshadows the purported role of infrastructure development as a catalyst for economic growth and improvement in political control in border regions. In this context, frontier expansion, which relies on a state-centric socio-spatial framing of the limits and potentialities of marginal spaces like border regions, has come to be defined in the language of aesthetics and state presence. I suggest that the emergence of this new epistemology of rule is the product of the coalescence between the sovereign trauma of past territorial loss due to administrative absence and the contemporary hyper-empirical ruling of the national leadership. This coalescence occurs in the dynamic and aestheticized notion of the border as the national front yard (circa 2005). Furthermore, this focus on organizing statist visibility in formal border locations also hints at the increasing aestheticization in the reconfiguration of the state-border ethnic minorities relationship, where the latter's inclusion into national development mainly comes symbolically in the form of viewing rights.Indonesian state actors' prioritization of organizing statist visibility takes form in the construction of monumental infrastructures in formal border locations. This prioritization comes at the expense of implementing infrastructure development in rural border settlements. From the perspective of a historically marginalized border village technically designated as a future border urban-industrial hub called Long Nawang, development appears faltering, if not suspended. The absence of infrastructure development and the sensorial existence of preexisting non-working infrastructure, however, inspire the hierarchized ethnic minority, the Kenyah, in Long Nawang to engage with state power differently.I argue that the uncertainty brought by faltering or suspended infrastructure development becomes politically generative for both Kenyah leaders and villagers in Apo Kayan. The new physical development and ministry's visit to Long Nawang in the early Joko Widodo's regime had reinvigorated Kenyah leaders' dream of urbanizing the village as the capital of a new Apo Kayan regency. Despite faltering infrastructure development and the president's indecision about the request, Kenyah leaders pushed on to achieve their dream. To allegedly influence the president's approval for the new border regency and the continuity of development, Kenyah leaders expanded their parastate authority by attempting to fashion Kenyah villagers into good development subjects (i.e., accommodative and worthy of state development). In doing so, Kenyah leaders encouraged villagers to voluntarily dispossess customary land access and preserve state-owned non-working infrastructures. I further argue that the persistence of Kenyah leaders to urbanize Long Nawang is a way for them to hedge against the possible waning of central state presence, which had been the dominant theme previously offered for state presence in the region.Meanwhile, the Kenyah leaders' call for preserving non-functioning infrastructures also equates to the preservation of the continuation of the contradictions brought about by having access to basic infrastructural interfaces without the ability to benefit from the public services they promise. From this call for pointless preservation emerged grassroots calls from villagers for the independent renewal of non-functioning infrastructures. Anxious about possible unsanctioned alteration to state-owned infrastructures, a political middle-ground emerged where Kenyah leaders ceased their preservationist stance and began to navigate the Indonesian bureaucratic jungle for official infrastructure renewal.
Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2024
Mode of access: World Wide Web
ISBN: 9798381174755Subjects--Topical Terms:
1179959
Cultural anthropology.
Subjects--Index Terms:
Aesthetic governmentalityIndex Terms--Genre/Form:
554714
Electronic books.
The Making of the Indonesian National Front Yard.
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Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-06, Section: A.
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Advisor: Winegar, Jessica.
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This ethnography is the outcome of 13 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Indonesia between 2013-2020. It investigates contemporary border infrastructure development in Indonesia as the political intersection between infrastructure and aesthetics to understand how state power works and gets reworked by the border population. The unprecedented development scheme was rolled out by Indonesian President Joko Widodo upon his first-term election in 2014 as his way to fulfill his campaign promise of developing Indonesia from the margin. I argue that border infrastructure development is primarily about organizing statist visibility. This concern for visibility overshadows the purported role of infrastructure development as a catalyst for economic growth and improvement in political control in border regions. In this context, frontier expansion, which relies on a state-centric socio-spatial framing of the limits and potentialities of marginal spaces like border regions, has come to be defined in the language of aesthetics and state presence. I suggest that the emergence of this new epistemology of rule is the product of the coalescence between the sovereign trauma of past territorial loss due to administrative absence and the contemporary hyper-empirical ruling of the national leadership. This coalescence occurs in the dynamic and aestheticized notion of the border as the national front yard (circa 2005). Furthermore, this focus on organizing statist visibility in formal border locations also hints at the increasing aestheticization in the reconfiguration of the state-border ethnic minorities relationship, where the latter's inclusion into national development mainly comes symbolically in the form of viewing rights.Indonesian state actors' prioritization of organizing statist visibility takes form in the construction of monumental infrastructures in formal border locations. This prioritization comes at the expense of implementing infrastructure development in rural border settlements. From the perspective of a historically marginalized border village technically designated as a future border urban-industrial hub called Long Nawang, development appears faltering, if not suspended. The absence of infrastructure development and the sensorial existence of preexisting non-working infrastructure, however, inspire the hierarchized ethnic minority, the Kenyah, in Long Nawang to engage with state power differently.I argue that the uncertainty brought by faltering or suspended infrastructure development becomes politically generative for both Kenyah leaders and villagers in Apo Kayan. The new physical development and ministry's visit to Long Nawang in the early Joko Widodo's regime had reinvigorated Kenyah leaders' dream of urbanizing the village as the capital of a new Apo Kayan regency. Despite faltering infrastructure development and the president's indecision about the request, Kenyah leaders pushed on to achieve their dream. To allegedly influence the president's approval for the new border regency and the continuity of development, Kenyah leaders expanded their parastate authority by attempting to fashion Kenyah villagers into good development subjects (i.e., accommodative and worthy of state development). In doing so, Kenyah leaders encouraged villagers to voluntarily dispossess customary land access and preserve state-owned non-working infrastructures. I further argue that the persistence of Kenyah leaders to urbanize Long Nawang is a way for them to hedge against the possible waning of central state presence, which had been the dominant theme previously offered for state presence in the region.Meanwhile, the Kenyah leaders' call for preserving non-functioning infrastructures also equates to the preservation of the continuation of the contradictions brought about by having access to basic infrastructural interfaces without the ability to benefit from the public services they promise. From this call for pointless preservation emerged grassroots calls from villagers for the independent renewal of non-functioning infrastructures. Anxious about possible unsanctioned alteration to state-owned infrastructures, a political middle-ground emerged where Kenyah leaders ceased their preservationist stance and began to navigate the Indonesian bureaucratic jungle for official infrastructure renewal.
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