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Three Essays on Government and Rebel...
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ProQuest Information and Learning Co.
Three Essays on Government and Rebel Interactions.
紀錄類型:
書目-語言資料,手稿 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
Three Essays on Government and Rebel Interactions./
作者:
Crisman-Cox, Casey.
面頁冊數:
1 online resource (162 pages)
附註:
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 78-05(E), Section: A.
Contained By:
Dissertation Abstracts International78-05A(E).
標題:
Political science. -
電子資源:
click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:
9781369291643
Three Essays on Government and Rebel Interactions.
Crisman-Cox, Casey.
Three Essays on Government and Rebel Interactions.
- 1 online resource (162 pages)
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 78-05(E), Section: A.
Thesis (Ph.D.)
Includes bibliographical references
In the first essay of my dissertation, I derive a strategic statistical duration model from a formal model of bargaining and reputation and fit the model to civil war duration data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program. I find that, on average, governments are more likely than rebels to be an intransigent type that refuses to negotiate. Rebel beliefs about the government's willingness to negotiate strongly influence both conflict duration and outcomes in non-obvious and sometimes non-monotonic ways. The results also provide new support for the contention that the reason separatist conflicts are longer is because of government stubbornness. Additionally, I uncover evidence of a non-monotonic relationship between state power and civil war duration which can be attributed to how the variable influences rebel (but not government) wartime demands. These non-monotonicities emerge without being pre-specified in the functional form.
Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2018
Mode of access: World Wide Web
ISBN: 9781369291643Subjects--Topical Terms:
558774
Political science.
Index Terms--Genre/Form:
554714
Electronic books.
Three Essays on Government and Rebel Interactions.
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Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 78-05(E), Section: A.
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In the first essay of my dissertation, I derive a strategic statistical duration model from a formal model of bargaining and reputation and fit the model to civil war duration data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program. I find that, on average, governments are more likely than rebels to be an intransigent type that refuses to negotiate. Rebel beliefs about the government's willingness to negotiate strongly influence both conflict duration and outcomes in non-obvious and sometimes non-monotonic ways. The results also provide new support for the contention that the reason separatist conflicts are longer is because of government stubbornness. Additionally, I uncover evidence of a non-monotonic relationship between state power and civil war duration which can be attributed to how the variable influences rebel (but not government) wartime demands. These non-monotonicities emerge without being pre-specified in the functional form.
520
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In the second essay, I continue my focus on internal conflicts by examining on domestic terrorism. In particular, I consider how groups adjust their behavior depending on the party that controls the government. This contributes to research on how domestic political institutions affect terrorism, which has expanded greatly in recent years. Much of this work focuses on relatively fixed institutions that don't vary over time. In contrast, I examine how the chief executive's political party affects domestic terrorism within democracies. I argue that domestic terrorist groups prefer attacking when right-wing parties hold office. I find evidence for this claim, along with results indicating that left-wing executives are more likely to cut a deal with these groups. These results suggest that domestic terrorist groups use attacks during right-wing governance to build their reputation, and reduce violence during left-wing governance to appear moderate and get a deal.
520
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In the final essay, I consider this signaling mechanism in greater detail. Specifically, I want to know: how effective of a signal is terrorism? I address this question by fitting a statistical signaling model to data from the Israel-Palestine conflict. In particular, I find that while the size of the signal is generally small, it increases when Likud leaders are in power. Additionally, the size of the signal is largest during the so-called Oslo Lull. I also consider greed versus grievance motivations for Palestinian violence, and I find evidence for different motivations under different leaders.
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2018
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click for full text (PQDT)
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