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Distributing Morphologically Conditioned Phonology : = Three Case Studies from Guebie.

紀錄類型:	書目-語言資料,手稿 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Distributing Morphologically Conditioned Phonology :/
其他題名:	Three Case Studies from Guebie.
作者:	Sande, Hannah Leigh.
面頁冊數:	1 online resource (206 pages)
附註:	Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 79-05(E), Section: A.
Contained By:	Dissertation Abstracts International79-05A(E).
標題:	Linguistics. -
電子資源:	click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:	9780355573527

Distributing Morphologically Conditioned Phonology : = Three Case Studies from Guebie.
Sande, Hannah Leigh.

Distributing Morphologically Conditioned Phonology :Three Case Studies from Guebie. - 1 online resource (206 pages)

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 79-05(E), Section: A.

Thesis (Ph.D.)

Includes bibliographical references

The focus of this study is process morphology in Guebie, an endangered Kru language spoken in Cote d'Ivoire. Unlike many primarily affixing morphological systems, much of the morphology in Guebie involves root-internal phonological changes like tone shift and vowel replacement. For this reason, Guebie data have much to offer discussions of the interface between morphology and phonology. Based on the Guebie facts presented here, I argue 1) that process morphology, where a non-concatenative phonological process is the sole exponent of a morpheme, is a subtype of morphologically conditioned phonology, and 2) that not all morphology involves underlying phonological items. I conclude that whether a morpheme triggers a phonological process is independent of whether a morpheme is associated with underlying phonological content. Instead, morphologically conditioned phonological processes are driven by phonological constraints, whose rankings are determined by particular morphosyntactic features present in the domain being phonologically evaluated.

Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2018

Mode of access: World Wide Web

ISBN: 9780355573527Subjects--Topical Terms:

557829
Linguistics.
Index Terms--Genre/Form:

554714
Electronic books.

Distributing Morphologically Conditioned Phonology : = Three Case Studies from Guebie.
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500 $a Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 79-05(E), Section: A.
500 $a Adviser: Sharon Inkelas.
502 $a Thesis (Ph.D.) $c University of California, Berkeley $d 2017.
504 $a Includes bibliographical references
520 $a The focus of this study is process morphology in Guebie, an endangered Kru language spoken in Cote d'Ivoire. Unlike many primarily affixing morphological systems, much of the morphology in Guebie involves root-internal phonological changes like tone shift and vowel replacement. For this reason, Guebie data have much to offer discussions of the interface between morphology and phonology. Based on the Guebie facts presented here, I argue 1) that process morphology, where a non-concatenative phonological process is the sole exponent of a morpheme, is a subtype of morphologically conditioned phonology, and 2) that not all morphology involves underlying phonological items. I conclude that whether a morpheme triggers a phonological process is independent of whether a morpheme is associated with underlying phonological content. Instead, morphologically conditioned phonological processes are driven by phonological constraints, whose rankings are determined by particular morphosyntactic features present in the domain being phonologically evaluated.
520 $a This study describes the phonology and morphology of Guebie, focusing in particular on three case studies of morphologically conditioned phonological processes. These include phonologically determined noun class agreement, scalar tone shift, and vowel replacement. In each of these case studies we see evidence for specific interactions between not only morphology and phonology, but also syntax and phonology. On the morphological side, Guebie tonal morphology shows us that not every morpheme is associated with an underlying (abstract) phonological item. With respect to syntax, we see that domains of phonological evaluation in Guebie must be larger than a single word, but not larger than a syntactic phase. We also see phonological processes sensitive to both morphosyntax and lexical class in Guebie, suggesting that any model of phonological grammar must be able to reference morphosyntactic and lexical information. By exploring morphological exponents across a language, we can narrow down the space of possible models that account for morphosyntactic interaction with phonology.
533 $a Electronic reproduction. $b Ann Arbor, Mich. : $c ProQuest, $d 2018
538 $a Mode of access: World Wide Web
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