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Pragmatic Conditions on Non-Polar Re...

University of California, Santa Cruz.

Pragmatic Conditions on Non-Polar Responses.

紀錄類型:	書目-語言資料,手稿 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:	Pragmatic Conditions on Non-Polar Responses./
作者:	McGarry, Lauren E.
面頁冊數:	1 online resource (58 pages)
附註:	Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 56-06.
標題:	Linguistics. -
電子資源:	click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:	9780355130898

Pragmatic Conditions on Non-Polar Responses.
McGarry, Lauren E.

Pragmatic Conditions on Non-Polar Responses. - 1 online resource (58 pages)

Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 56-06.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, Santa Cruz, 2017.

Includes bibliographical references

This paper discusses the discourse presuppositions of indeed and correct as response particles. Previous work on responses has focused on yes and no as polarity particles (e.g., Farkas & Bruce 2010, Farkas & Roelofsen 2016, Krifka 2013); however, the behavior of indeed cannot be explained in terms of absolute or relative polarity, because it is compatible with both positive and negative responses, as well as with agreement or disagreement. Rather, I argue that the distribution of indeed and correct is best explained in terms of relative epistemic authority (REA) (Heritage & Raymond 2005, Northrup 2014): Indeed presupposes that the speaker has equal or greater authority over the QUD compared to the addressee; correct presupposes that the speaker has greater authority. This is verified through felicity judgments in responses with varying REA configurations in both English and German, as well as their compatibility with rising intonation.

Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2018

Mode of access: World Wide Web

ISBN: 9780355130898Subjects--Topical Terms:

557829
Linguistics.
Index Terms--Genre/Form:

554714
Electronic books.

Pragmatic Conditions on Non-Polar Responses.
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245 1 0 $a Pragmatic Conditions on Non-Polar Responses.
264 0 $c 2017
300 $a 1 online resource (58 pages)
336 $a text $b txt $2 rdacontent
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500 $a Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 56-06.
500 $a Adviser: Donka Farkas.
502 $a Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, Santa Cruz, 2017.
504 $a Includes bibliographical references
520 $a This paper discusses the discourse presuppositions of indeed and correct as response particles. Previous work on responses has focused on yes and no as polarity particles (e.g., Farkas & Bruce 2010, Farkas & Roelofsen 2016, Krifka 2013); however, the behavior of indeed cannot be explained in terms of absolute or relative polarity, because it is compatible with both positive and negative responses, as well as with agreement or disagreement. Rather, I argue that the distribution of indeed and correct is best explained in terms of relative epistemic authority (REA) (Heritage & Raymond 2005, Northrup 2014): Indeed presupposes that the speaker has equal or greater authority over the QUD compared to the addressee; correct presupposes that the speaker has greater authority. This is verified through felicity judgments in responses with varying REA configurations in both English and German, as well as their compatibility with rising intonation.
520 $a Despite this deviation from the existing response particle literature, work on polar responses provides essential insights into propositional anaphora and the derivation of at-issue content for indeed and correct.
533 $a Electronic reproduction. $b Ann Arbor, Mich. : $c ProQuest, $d 2018
538 $a Mode of access: World Wide Web
650 4 $a Linguistics. $3 557829
655 7 $a Electronic books. $2 local $3 554714
690 $a 0290
710 2 $a ProQuest Information and Learning Co. $3 1178819
710 2 $a University of California, Santa Cruz. $b Linguistics. $3 1184033
856 4 0 $u http://pqdd.sinica.edu.tw/twdaoapp/servlet/advanced?query=10285506 $z click for full text (PQDT)

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