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Generic and Indefinite Null Objects.
~
ProQuest Information and Learning Co.
Generic and Indefinite Null Objects.
紀錄類型:
書目-語言資料,手稿 : Monograph/item
正題名/作者:
Generic and Indefinite Null Objects./
作者:
Dvorakova, Vera.
面頁冊數:
1 online resource (317 pages)
附註:
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 79-08(E), Section: A.
Contained By:
Dissertation Abstracts International79-08A(E).
標題:
Linguistics. -
電子資源:
click for full text (PQDT)
ISBN:
9780355781069
Generic and Indefinite Null Objects.
Dvorakova, Vera.
Generic and Indefinite Null Objects.
- 1 online resource (317 pages)
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 79-08(E), Section: A.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Rutgers The State University of New Jersey - New Brunswick, 2017.
Includes bibliographical references
My thesis is concerned with the syntax and related syntactico-semantic properties of two types of non-overt internal arguments: generic null objects (GNO), as in His movies always shock___, and indefinite null objects (INO), as in He reads___ / He is reading___. Traditionally, these objects have been understood as standing at the opposite ends of a scale when it comes to their syntactic robustness. GNO were analyzed as null pronouns with an arbitrary reference that consist of a D-feature and/or a set of phi-features (Rizzi 1986, Authier 1992, Landau 2010). INO are typically analyzed as the result of lexical rules that existentially quantify over the internal argument for given predicates (Dowty 1978, Bresnan 1978, and then many others).
Electronic reproduction.
Ann Arbor, Mich. :
ProQuest,
2018
Mode of access: World Wide Web
ISBN: 9780355781069Subjects--Topical Terms:
557829
Linguistics.
Index Terms--Genre/Form:
554714
Electronic books.
Generic and Indefinite Null Objects.
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Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 79-08(E), Section: A.
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Adviser: Mark Baker.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Rutgers The State University of New Jersey - New Brunswick, 2017.
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My thesis is concerned with the syntax and related syntactico-semantic properties of two types of non-overt internal arguments: generic null objects (GNO), as in His movies always shock___, and indefinite null objects (INO), as in He reads___ / He is reading___. Traditionally, these objects have been understood as standing at the opposite ends of a scale when it comes to their syntactic robustness. GNO were analyzed as null pronouns with an arbitrary reference that consist of a D-feature and/or a set of phi-features (Rizzi 1986, Authier 1992, Landau 2010). INO are typically analyzed as the result of lexical rules that existentially quantify over the internal argument for given predicates (Dowty 1978, Bresnan 1978, and then many others).
520
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Utilizing data from Czech, a language with rich inflectional and derivational morphology, I show that the distinction between the two types of null objects is much more subtle. GNO consist of a single syntactic node, little n, bearing just the gender feature, but no number or person features. Rather than fully-fledged pronominal DPs, GNO should be conceived as conceptually impoverished nouns (i.e. nouns that do not contain any root), where their interpretable gender feature brings about their personal, [+human]-like meaning. Semantically, these n-heads introduce a variable that gets bound by a generic operator, along the lines of Krifka et al. (1995). INO, albeit syntactically unrepresentedon their own, are derived by the generalized type-shifting iota-closure defined on a syntactic node little v (understood as a verbalizer in the sense of Marantz 2007, 2013). I show that this syntactic approach to intransitivization is the only possible option if we want to account for INO's high productivity, their occurrence with the so-called secondary imperfectives in Slavic, and the fact that they appear only in the contexts that supply the kind/property of the existentially quantified argument (I encode INO's contextual licensing as a presupposition for the application of the intransitivizing operation).
520
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In the final part of the dissertation, I elaborate the proposal to account for the observed incompatibility of INO with perfective, telic event denoting verbs, and these verb's contrasting compatibility with GNO. I explain it as a result of INO's inability to satisfy the unvalued EPP-like quantificational feature Q_Pf constituting the perfective aspectual head. The existence of Q_Pf is independently motivated by the quantificational requirements of perfective verbs in Czech, expressed in terms of a syntactic argument type or a quantificational prefix that they have to merge with (cf. Borer 2005). GNO, on the other hand, can overtly move to Spec,Asp, in accordance with their analysis as restrictors of the generic quantifier presented in the first part of the thesis.
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click for full text (PQDT)
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